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Young Turk Revolution

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Postcard from the Young Turk Revolution, celebrating the constitution, 24.07.1908

The Young Turk Revolution was a constitutional revolution[1] in July 1908 in the Ottoman Empire that was carried out by the Young Turks organized in the Committee for Unity and Progress (CUP).

They forced Sultan Abdul Hamid II to restore the Constitution of 1876 and reopen parliament. It was led by Ottoman military officers like Enver Pasha and Ahmed Niyazi, who were unhappy with the Sultan's rule and feared foreign intervention in the empire which was facing social and economic instabilities. The revolution was widely celebrated, but brought less change than many had hoped.[2] After a counter-revolution in 1909 was defeated, the CUP-leadership grew more powerful and a triumvirate of officers effectively controlled the empire.[3]

Background and Context

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Historical Background

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Sultan Abdul Hamid II in the late 19th century.

In the late nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire was struggling with serious economic problems and foreign financial influence. After the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878), Ottoman debt increased significantly, leading to financial reforms and the creation of the Public Debt Administration. Many people criticized foreign involvement in the Ottoman economy, and economic problems led to political opposition against the government. [4]

These problems happened alongside a period of major reform. The Tanzimat Reforms (1839–1876) aimed to modernize the empire's legal and administrative structures, but Ottoman leaders did not interpret these reforms as a means of political participation for citizens. Instead, they prioritized centralization, focusing on the extraction of economic resources and the conscription of labor to compete with European powers. Decision making remained concentrated among a small oligarchy of officials surrounding Sultan Abdul Hamid II, leaving little meaningful role for ordinary subjects in imperial governance.[5]

When Abdul Hamid II suspended the constitution in 1878 and dissolved parliament after only two sessions, dissatisfaction began to increase in the empire. Protests against heavy taxes and compulsory military service spread across both the Balkan and Anatolian provinces, while many military officers, government officials, and intellectuals became increasingly frustrated with the government’s authoritarian rule. [6]

Social Context

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The reign of Abdul Hamid II brought major changes to Ottoman society. One of the most important developments was the rapid spread of modern schools. Between 1867 and 1895, the number of schools and students increased which created a new generation of educated young men, including military officers, bureaucrats, and intellectuals. Many of them were influenced by European political ideas and began to expect political reform and modernization within the empire.[7] However, Sultan Abdul Hamid's government used heavy censorship in order to oppress the press and a wide network of spies to monitor and silence critics. The empire was training an educated society that wanted change and reform, but at the same time it did not allow them to speak or act freely. This created a difficult contradiction. [8]

Technology and Modernization

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Daily life was also changing fast because of the new technology. Railways and telegraph lines were built across the empire during this period, connecting distant provinces to Istanbul for the first time in the empire’s history. However these railways and shipping lines were mostly owned by foreign companies so the economic benefit went to European merchants and creditors rather than ordinary Ottoman people. Modernization mainly meant higher taxes and compulsory military service for the people who are living in the rural provinces in the Balkans and Anatolia. [9]

Map of the Balkans in 1912. Ottoman territories are marked in pink.

Ethnic and Religious divides

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The empire was also deeply divided by religious and ethnic differences, and over time these tensions increased. In Macedonia, different groups such as Greeks, Albanians, Serbs, Bulgarians and Jews lived together for years, but many had competing national aims. The situation became more difficult after the Ottoman government allowed the creation of a separate Bulgarian Orthodox Church in 1870. Villages were forced to choose whether they identified as Greek or Bulgarian and this led to separation within local communities. In addition, revolutionary groups began to appear. The most important was the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), founded in Salonica in 1893 which organized violent attacks and guerrilla actions to get the attention of the European powers into the conflict. [10] Meanwhile, in eastern Anatolia, Armenians were facing growing pressure from the Ottoman government and Kurdish Hamidiye units. In the late 1880s, Armenian nationalist organizations, the Henchak Party in 1887 and the Dashnaktsutiun in 1890 began demanding more autonomy and independence. Violence worsened in 1894 with the massacres in Sasun, and later spread across eastern Anatolia and also Istanbul in 1895 and 1896. Thousands of Armenians lost their lives during these massacres. These problems damaged the empire's reputation abroad and made it clear that the Hamidian regime was having trouble maintaining order within its borders.[11]

The Ottoman military underwent significant changes during this period. Abdul Hamid II invited German army advisers such as General Colmar von der Goltz, to modernize and rebuild the Ottoman military. German military doctrine spread among the younger generation of Ottoman officers. [12] This was significant as later, the Young Turk movement drew its most committed and organized members from this educated and politically aware military class.[13]

International Triggers

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Due to the pressure from foreign powers, especially Russia and the United Kingdom, the Empire’s internal problems were becoming more serious. Russia increased its support for nationalist movements in the Balkans after the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 and pressured the Ottoman government to introduce reforms for minority groups. In addition, Britain reduced its support for the empire and became more critical of Ottoman policies. To solve these external problems Abdul Hamid II promoted Pan-Islamism to strengthen his religious authority as caliph. However, many educated Ottomans, especially military officers and bureaucrats, believed that the empire could only survive through major internal reforms before the European powers weakened it further. [14]

Young Turks

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Postcard from the Young Turk Revolution.

Origins

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The Young Turk movement was made up of newly educated military officers, who were looking for more government effectiveness.[15] The movement began in 1889 as an intellectual opposition to the regime. Its members were the Ottoman intellectual, bureaucratic, and military elites who believed that only a constitutional government could save the empire and they were frustrated with the Sultan's autocratic rule. [16] Opposition groups often grouped under the name "Young Turks" however in reality the opponents of the sultan were a diverse collection of religious scholars, bureaucrats, and nationalists who shared a common enemy but not the same agenda.[17] The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was a secret political organization founded in 1889 by Ottoman military and medical students in Istanbul. It became the main organization of the Young Turk movement and brought these different opposition groups together. [18]

Organization and Ideology

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The members of the movement worked in secret committees mostly based in Egypt and Europe. Their fundamental aim was to overthrow Sultan Abdul Hamid II and their most common activity was publishing political journals and secretly distributing them into the empire. [19] The movement had a strong ideological side. A Young Turk named Yusuf Akçura argued that from the possible future paths that the Ottoman state had, which were Pan-Turkism, Pan-Ottomanism and Pan-Islamism, Turkish nationalism was the strongest options to save the state. This idea became highly influential among Young Turk intellectuals. [20]

First Young Turk Congress, February 1902.

The 1902 Congress

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In 1901, a nephew of the Sultan, Prince Sabahaddin worked to bring different Young Turk groups together. This effort resulted to the first congress of the Ottoman opposition parties which was held in Paris in 1902. The congress was important as it was the first time Young Turk leaders openly discussed political strategies in a formal organization. One of the most important topic debated was whether the movement should accept support from foreign powers in order to overthrew the rule of Abdul Hamid II. This issue was the main division within the movement as One group supported the idea of foreign intervention, while another group argued that change should come from inside the Ottoman Empire. [21]

Path to Revolution

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In its early years, the Young Turk movement mostly focused on secretly distributing newspapers and holding meetings. This changed in 1906 when the Ottoman Freedom Society was founded in Salonica. The organization gained support among officers of the Ottoman Armies in Macedonia and Thrace. The Ottoman Freedom Society joined the Committee of Union and Progress in 1907.[22]

Events of the Revolution

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Lead Up

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Local and regional rebellions against the Ottoman administration were happening frequently before July 1908 especially in the Eastern Anatolian provinces and Macedonia.[23] There was fear of a Russian and British coordinated intervention into Macedonia, based on reports of a joined scheme for "better" rule for Macedonia, which was communicated with other European powers. [24]

July 1908

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Declaration of Young Turk revolution by Armenian, Greek Orthodox & Muslim religious leaders

The events of the revolution took place between July 3rd and July 23rd of 1908. The revolutionary action, in the early days consisted of the military officers visiting villages and telling the decision-makers of the villages about the threat of foreign intervention due to the weakness of the administration in Constantinople. They then presented reinstating of parliamentary rule and the constitution as the solution against this. The most important of these leaders was Ahmed Niyazi, who was Albanian himself and therefore well connected in the Albanian villages he visited in the early stages.[25]

On July 7th, the sultan sent Albanian military officer Şemsi Pasha to Manastir to try to calm the uprising. He was shot dead by CUP members shortly after arriving. This is interpreted as a turning point in the revolution because it showed people how serious the revolutionaries were.[26]

On the night of July 22nd, in Salonica the CUP made the decision to declare the constitutional regime. The revolution was considered successful on July 23rd when Ahmed Niyazi pronounced the reign of liberty and fraternity in the presence of the town's notables in Monastir.[27]

Counter-revolution of April 1909

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Deputies of the parliament in Thessaloniki after fleeing Constantinople in context of the attempted counter-revolution in April 1909.

The CUP leadership was forced out of Power on April 13, 1909 after an uprising in Constantinople and went to Macedonia, where they had the strongest base. Their defeat quickly changed and they organized an Action Army which captured Istanbul. The CUP restored the Chamber of Deputies and accused Sultan Abdul Hamid of leading the movement. As a consequence he was replaced by his brother Mehmet V.[28]

After the attempted counter-revolution, the constitution was changed resulting in more limitations to the Sultan's power. Many people consider the counter-revolution and its aftermath to have been more important than the initial events of July 1908.[29]

Reception and consequences

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Demonstration in Monastir in favour of the constitution in 1908.

Reception

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The revolution was first celebrated across the empire,[30] because the constitution limited the power of the sultan. There are accounts of celebrations lasting multiple days.[31] The events of July 24th especially, were internationally praised in European newspapers as a "true" revolution, not mere rebellion, quickly after they took place. In comparison to the actual events that took place, and the relatively small support from below, the historical weight attributed to it, can be interpreted as paradoxical.[32]

Effects of the Revolution

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The historical period after the Young Turk revolution is called the second constitutional era. In a formal sense the demands of the revolution did not mean a big change. The constitution had been in place since 1876 and the parliament had been disregarded but never completely abolished either.[33] In addition, the revolution did not actually put the CUP in power completely, as the Sultan remained in his position. The CUP won a majority in parliament and the new Chamber of Deputies held its first session in January 1909. As a result of the revolution the press could write and publish far more freely and flourished. Political engagement in the CUP also grew by large numbers, from 83 branches organized in the empire, to 2500.[34]

The character of the revolutionary action was focused on the question of liberty, which was not really defined. It was generally linked to the Enlightenment movement.[35] After the revolution it became clear that it was not an anti-state revolution but rather completed in order to protect the state. Constitutional thinking was understood as a tool to strengthen and modernize the state. Often they chose modernization over proper democratic tools.[36]

In this it is very different from other revolutions of the time for example the attempted Russian revolution of 1905.[37] With the CUP gaining power within the system, it became visible that the norms and ideas of the movement were not egalitarian.[38]

A Bulgarian postcard depicting the Battle of Lule Burgas of the Balkan wars.

Despite the revolution's promise of liberty and equality for all Ottoman subjects, especially non-Turkish and non-Muslim communities was more complicated. The movement tried to blend Turkish identity, the Religion of Islam and "European civilization" and advocate for their specific idea of Ottoman Identity. In practice, therefore the concept of equality contrasted with existing privileges and present Turkism in the movement. Turkism was present before 1908, but was held back as official policy to avoid encouraging separatist movements. After losses in the Balkans wars, this restraint collapsed, and exclusionary Turkism became more central in the committees policy.[39] This shift from the revolution's original inclusive rhetoric towards explicit nationalism had severe long-term consequences for the empires minority communities. This first became apparent in the Adana massacres of 1909, where 20,000 Armenians in the town of Adana were murdered.[40]

Cemal Pasha and other Ottoman officers.

Long-Term Consequences

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After 1913, therefore the CUP moved away from the ideals of the revolution. A small group of military officers took control of the government. Three men in particular, Enver Pasha, Cemal Pasha, and Talat Pasha became the most powerful figures in the empire, holding the positions of minister of war, the navy, and the interior. This is often called the Triumvirate rule. Over time the parliament became less and less important, as these officers ruled through the cabinet directly.[41]

The CUP leadership put a focus on Anatolia as the center of the Turkish nation which sharpened existing conflicts in the region. In the autumn of 1914 this leadership made the decision to enter World War One on the side of the Central powers and was responsible for the Armenian genocide during World War One.[42]

  1. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan (2019). "The Young Turk revolution: comparisons and connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 481–498. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  2. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan (2019). "The Young Turk revolution: comparisons and connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 482f. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  3. ↑ Anderson, Betty (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 181. ISBN 978-0-8047-8324-8.
  4. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü. A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire. Princeton University Press, 2008, pp. 121-124.
  5. ↑ Anderson, Betty S. (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-8047-8324-8.
  6. ↑ Anderson, Betty S. (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-8047-8324-8.
  7. ↑ Zürcher, Erik J., Turkey: A Modern History, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017, p. 109. Available via ProQuest Ebook Central: https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/leidenuniv/detail.action?docID=5340611
  8. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü, Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908, Oxford University Press, 2001 (digitised 2023), p. 5. Available via EBSCOhost Ebook Academic Collection.
  9. ↑ Zürcher, Erik J., Turkey: A Modern History, 1st ed., Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017, p. 108. ISBN 9781784531867.
  10. ↑ Zürcher, Erik J., Turkey: A Modern History, 1st ed., Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017, p. 113. ISBN 9781784531867.
  11. ↑ Zürcher, Erik J., Turkey: A Modern History, 1st ed., Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017, p. 115. ISBN 9781784531867.
  12. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan. The Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building: From the Ottoman Empire to Atatürk's Turkey. London: I.B. Tauris, 2010, p. 113.
  13. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2001). Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 3–5. ISBN 978-0-19-513463-6.
  14. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, Princeton University Press, pp. 117–122. Available at JSTOR: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7t314
  15. ↑ Anderson, Betty (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 173.
  16. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2001). Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-19-513463-6.
  17. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2008). A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 129.
  18. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2001). Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-19-513463-6.
  19. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2008). A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 129.
  20. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2008). A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 131.
  21. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2008). A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 129.
  22. ↑ Zürcher, Erik J. (2000). "Young Turks, Ottoman Muslims and Turkish Nationalists: Identity Politics 1908–1938". In Karpat, Kemal H. (ed.). Ottoman Past and Today's Turkey. Leiden: Brill. pp. 151–152. ISBN 978-90-04-49227-1.
  23. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan (2019). "The Young Turk revolution: comparisons and connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 482. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  24. ↑ Kansu, Aykut (1997). The Revolution of 1908 in Turkey. Leiden: Brill. p. 87.
  25. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan (2019). "The Young Turk revolution: comparisons and connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 483f. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  26. ↑ Zürcher, Jan Erik (2019). "The Young Turk Revolution: Comparisons and Connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 484. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  27. ↑ Kansu, Aykut (1997). The Revolution of 1908 in Turkey. Leiden: Brill. p. 98.
  28. ↑ Sohrabi, Nader (1995). "Historicizing Revolutions: Constitutional Revolutions in the Ottoman Empire, Iran, and Russia, 1905-1908". American Journal of Sociology. 100 (6): 1433. doi:10.1086/230667. JSTOR 2782676 – via JSTOR.
  29. ↑ Kaynar, Erdal (2017). Georgeon, François; Lévy, Noémı (eds.). The Young Turk Revolution and the Ottoman Empire : The Aftermath of 1908. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 55. doi:10.5040/9781350989429. ISBN 978-1-78673-021-3.
  30. ↑ Anderson, Betty (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 156.
  31. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan (2019). "The Young Turk Revolution: Comparisons and Connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 484. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  32. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan (2019). "The Young Turk revolution: comparisons and connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 482. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  33. ↑ Zürcher, Erik Jan (2019). "The Young Turk Revolution: Comparisons and Connections". Middle Eastern Studies. 55 (4): 484. doi:10.1080/00263206.2019.1566124 – via Taylor & Francis Journals.
  34. ↑ Anderson, Betty (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford: Stanford University press. pp. 173f. ISBN 978-0-8047-8324-8.
  35. ↑ Kaynar, Erdal (2017). Georgeon, François; Lévy, Noémı (eds.). The Young Turk Revolution and the Ottoman Empire : The Aftermath of 1908. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 44. doi:10.5040/9781350989429. ISBN 978-1-78673-021-3.
  36. ↑ Zücher, Jan Erik; Pamuk, Sevket (2000). Karpat, Kemal H. (ed.). Ottoman Past and Today's Turkey. Leiden: Brill. p. 151. ISBN 978-90-04-49227-1.
  37. ↑ Sorabi, Nader (1995). "Nader Sohrabi, 'Historicizing Revolutions: Constitutional Revolutions in Russia, Iran and the Ottoman Empire, 1905–1908'". American Journal of Sociology. 100, 6: 1385. JSTOR 2782676 – via JSTOR.
  38. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2001). Preparation for a Revolution : The Young Turks, 1902-1908. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 314. doi:10.1093/oso/9780195134636.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-513463-6.
  39. ↑ Hanioğlu, M. Şükrü (2001). Preparation for a Revolution : The Young Turks, 1902-1908. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 316f. doi:10.1093/oso/9780195134636.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-513463-6.
  40. ↑ Anderson, Betty (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 181. ISBN 9780804783248.
  41. ↑ Anderson, Betty (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 179. ISBN 978-0-8047-8324-8.
  42. ↑ Anderson, Betty (2016). A History of the Modern Middle East: Rulers, Rebels, and Rogues. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 181. ISBN 978-0-8047-8324-8.
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